Maybe A Zionist Got It Right
Looking at what the founder of Israel proposed

It does not take extraordinary skills or understanding to take apart any system based on illusions and deceptions. The normal skepticism that we apply to our favorite sports team is all that is required. If we take our innate skepticism and apply it to questions that really matter to human life, including our own, we would be taking one step closer to solving the most pressing human tragedies we are all facing today. In particular, I am speaking about the Palestine-Israel conflict which is extremely misunderstood in North America because of the genius of our mass media to turn everything into a vague, oversimplified, pretty, and presentable package. It is really not that difficult to understand. It is really easy to comprehend once facts are looked at.

My goal with this article is to establish a framework of discussion that people can use when discussing this issue and show, perhaps, the strongest suggested solution to this conflict put forth by David Ben Gurion -- one of the founding fathers of "Zionism". His solution is certainly different from the majority of self-proclaimed Zionists of today.

I wrote this from a while back and there are certainly things I would like to add on to this. Things such as the fact that Israel is the only country in the world without official borders. Or, explain what the reasons are as to why Palestinians will not legally recognize Israel's existence as it justifies the latter and other atrocities and injustices committed against them. There a lot of things but the focus here is to look into a solution espoused by one of the founding members of the Zionist movement. Enjoy.

= Establishing a Framework of Discussion =

i.) Ignoring the Arguments of Lunatic Racists

Before moving on to discuss the complexities of this conflict, it is important to lay out a framework for discussion first. In particular, it is important to figure out the valid claims of those who regard the former Palestine as their home.

I will choose to opt for principles held by non-racists in that it recognizes: Israelis and Palestinians are human beings with equal rights within the territory of former Palestine. The right to self-determination within this territory is granted to both groups. I will ignore the racist viewpoints, that is continually perpetuated in the mainstream discussion and some of us unknowingly have, of this issue. Of course, these stances are racist in that it refuses to recognize the human rights of both Palestinians and Israelis to national determination in the former Palestine according to the international consensus and law.

As it relates to the rights of Palestinians, the first rejects the idea of their historical existence within the former Palestine. This view is expressed by the Israeli Labor Party Prime Minister Golda Meir when she said:

"It was not as though there was a Palestinian people in Palestine considering itself as a Palestinian people and we came and threw them out and took their country away from them. They did not exist."

Therefore, the quotation asserts that creating a Palestinian state is an absurd idea. This asserts that Palestinians had no attachment to their homes and to the land that they have worked for many generations. Furthermore, they do not have the same attachment that the Jews, who were exiled from the land two thousand years ago, have to the land.

The second stance takes the position that Jordan is a Palestinian state, that no third state will be accepted aside from Jordan and Israel. Other Arab states are also regarded by some as the home of Palestinians. This view is expressed perfectly by Moshe Dayan of the Israeli Labor Party:

" I do not think ... that a Palestinian should have difficulties in regarding Jordan, Syria, or Iraq as his homeland."

Both point of views, again, are racist in that it refuses to recognize the rights of Palestinians. These two stances merely see the Palestinians in the context of a refugee problem. Assuming that none of us are racist, I will remove recognition of these two viewpoints with little fear of protestation. Of course, I am also including those who refuses to recognize the rights of Israeli people.

ii.) The Irrelevancy of ‘Who was here first’

It is of no relevance who was historically in the former Palestine first. It has no relevance, not only in this discussion, but in finding a solution for this conflict in general. At the beginning of the creation of Israel this had some relevance, but not now, nor ever.

To discuss ‘who was here first’ is equivalent to discussing who was in North America first: Native Americans or us? It is of no relevance because ‘we’, the people who live here now, are deeply rooted in these lands and it will be unjust if we are expelled so the original settlers can move back in. Regardless of their historical claim to the land, it is not gonna happen. What happened to them was unjust and wrong, but it will be equally unjust if we are expelled. We have created facts that cannot be changed in short of war.

This is what happened to Palestinians when the state of Israel was created. The lives of Israelis were created at the expense of the Palestinian people. That being said, many people of Israel are now deeply rooted in the land where hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were forcefully expelled from. To remove them would be equally unjust. Decades and generations have long passed and many of those who live there now are the sons and daughters of those who settled. That being said, Israel has a historical responsibility to recognize that they established a state on land almost entirely owned by Palestinians for many generations. As a result, millions have been made into refugees. This responsibility is conveniently avoided by many Israeli leaders in order to justify further expansion in Palestine.

The best we can do is bring about justice, reparations, and genuinely seek peace. Most importantly, we have to prevent the creation of new ‘facts’ that cannot be changed in short of war.

iii.) The Issue of Creating New Facts

As I have already pointed out, it is important to prevent the creation of new facts. For example, the ‘occupied territories’, which are being illegally held by Israel according to the majority of the world and the United Nations, are currently being settled by Israelis. Homes are continually being built atop the land of Palestinians who have been expelled from the land, fled from it, illegally bought out, and so forth. These settlements are being encouraged by the Israeli government through subsidies which are being paid by U.S. tax dollars. Although, before these new facts can be halted, we must first take the first steps to finding a solution to this conflict which can, not implausibly, bring both groups to the brink of destruction.

= First Steps Towards Finding A Solution =

What is of great relevance here, as it relates to finding a solution, is the recognition of the international consensus that has been constantly reiterated in many ways. Many are unaware that an international consensus, and even of the existence of U.N. Resolution 242, exists because, again, of the genius of our mass media here in North America in distorting this conflict.

Since Israel illegally conquered the occupied territories in 1967 (and has not let go since), the international community has favoured a political settlement in accordance to approximately the pre-June 1967 borders. This was how this resolution was understood. It also came with security guarantees, recognized borders, and various devices to help assure peace.

This resolution has been accepted by Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Europe, Russia, and by most non-aligned nations. Aside from Israel, the United States, a few Arab States, and certain groups in the PLO, the support for this solution approaches worldwide unanimity.

While the original resolution has been changed from the 1970's, today it recognizes the right of Palestinians to national self-determination. In other words, it no longer espouses the racist assumption that Israelis have inherent rights that Palestinians do not have nor deserve. As well, this consensus now includes the concept of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (a two-state settlement). This reflects higher demands of justice for Palestinians. This solution is also politically realistic in that it will maximize the chances for peace and security for all the inhabitants of the former Palestine. The valid claims of the two major parties are also satisfied as much as possible.

While this solution is weak in many respects and only fairly stable, accepting it will set the stage for interstate relations. If interstate relations becomes a reality, stability might soon follow. Again, this solution is not, and should not, be final. Regardless, its acceptance is important in taking the first steps in finding a better, more preferable, alternative because the rights of Palestinians will be recognized and the ‘racist’ perspective I have highlighted earlier will be put to rest.

If Israel and the United States are interested at all in peace, it will change its racist principles and recognize the international consensus. In other words, recognize the rights of Palestinians to national determination.

= The Best Solution =

Putting aside any in-depth discussion of the history of Zionism and the Jewish State of Israel, Zionism has a Jekyl and Hyde historical personality. There are two aspects of Zionism: (i) Zionism for Jews (ii) The other for Palestinians and Arabs.

For Jews, the Zionist movement brought a lot of European and Eastern Jews to Palestine. It promised a different life from persecution and the restoration of an ancient homeland in the former Palestine (or, at one point, East Africa). For Palestinians, these are all true, but in many instances at their expense. The mixed society that existed before, and they effectively maintained, was shattered by the influx of Jews into the former Palestine.

While the roots of Zionism definitely had some racist and imperialist roots ideologically, it is not an ideology that is inherently racist and imperialistic. While Zionist leaders like Theodor Herzl wanted the indigenous population out of the country and to deny them work, a countercurrent existed within the movement. In my opinion, within this countercurrent is where we find the best solution for the conflict. While there was a significant change in their positions later on, these suggestions made in internal party discussions seem to have reflected a clear understanding of the issue and commitment to justice.

David Ben-Guron, a member of the Zionist movement, explained in 1930:

"The regime in Palestine must at all times assure both the Jews and the Arabs the possibility of unhampered development and full national independence, so as to rule out any domination by Arabs of Jews, or by Jews of Arabs. The regime must foster the rapprochement, accord, and cooperation of the Jewish people and the Arabs in Palestine ... [which will be] ... a federal state, comprising an alliance of cantons (autonomous districts), some with Jews in the majority, and some with Arabs; national autonomy of each people, with exclusive authority in matters of education, culture, and language; matters of religion: under the control of autonomous religious congregations, organized as free statutory bodies; the highest body of the state: the federal council, consisting of two houses – (a) one representing nationalities in which Jews and Arabs will have equal representation, and (b) one in which representatives of the cantons will participate in proportion to their respective populations. Any federal law and any change in the federal constitution can be enacted only with the agreement of both houses."

Before a Royal Commission in 1937 he continued to assert:

"If Palestine were uninhabited we might have asked for a Jewish state, for then it would not harm anyone else. But there are other residents in Palestine, and just as we do not want to be at the mercy of others, they too have the right not to be at the mercy of the Jews."

Before this idea of a one-state solution can come into fruition, the worldwide acceptance of U.N. Resolution 242 must be first accepted. From there, we can all move closer to achieving some sort of peace in the Middle East. And yes, it is a long way from there.